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in mid-December, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announced new legislation that allows parents to sue schools for teaching critical race theory. 鈥淵ou think about what MLK stood for. He said he didn鈥檛 want people judged on the color of their skin, but on the content of their character,鈥� said DeSantis, a political ringleader in the latest chapter of the United States鈥� culture war. In using a quote from Dr. King to justify an attack on curricula that uplifts racial justice, the Republican governor inadvertently created a strong case for why critical thinking on the history of race and racism in the U.S. is necessary.

is all too familiar with the sort of contradictory statements like those DeSantis spouted. Kelley, who is the Gary B. Nash Endowed Chair in U.S. History at the University of California, Los Angeles, explains that he 鈥渃ame into the profession at the height of a battleground over history, in the 1980s, with the war on political correctness.鈥� And although he鈥檚 lived through decades of conservative-led attacks, like those by DeSantis, he describes the 2020s as 鈥渄angerous times.鈥�

The Origins of CRT

Kelley sees right-wing attacks on CRT鈥攚hat he considers an umbrella term for the teaching of 鈥渁ny kind of revisionist or multicultural history鈥濃�攁s a measure of the success communities of color and progressive parents and teachers have had after pushing for years to ensure that educational curricula reflect racially and ethnically diverse classrooms.

The most recent movement for such education can be traced to the of the 1960s, which, in the words of educators Deborah Menkart and Jenice L. View, 鈥渨ere intended to counter the 鈥榮harecropper education鈥� received by so many African Americans and poor whites.鈥� In a civil rights history lesson created for , Menkart and View explained that the education offered in nearly 40 such schools centered on 鈥渁 progressive curriculum 鈥� designed to prepare disenfranchised African Americans to become active political actors on their own behalf.鈥� In 1968, after months of pressure from student activists, established the first College of Ethnic Studies in the U.S.

A movement to offer ethnic studies courses in public schools, including colleges and universities, has gained traction nationwide. Such education is now standard fare as part of required college courses. California remains on the cutting edge of multicultural education, becoming the first state in the nation, in October 2021, to in order to graduate.

Leading African American scholar Kimberl茅 Crenshaw, a law professor at UCLA, coined the term 鈥渃ritical race theory鈥� and co-edited the book of the same name, which published in 1996, to define race as a social construct and provide a framework for understanding the way it shapes public policy. Crenshaw explained in a article that CRT, originally used by to analyze educational inequities, 鈥渋s a way of seeing, attending to, accounting for, tracing and analyzing the ways that race is produced 鈥� the ways that racial inequality is facilitated, and the ways that our history has created these inequalities that now can be almost effortlessly reproduced unless we attend to the existence of these inequalities.鈥�

Understanding the Attacks on CRT

Critical race theory is precisely the sort of nuanced educational lens that Crenshaw, Kelley, and others use in their courses and that has White supremacist forces up in arms. Attacks against CRT are taking the form of multi-pronged , as well as accused of teaching biased histories.

Kelley sees conservatives like DeSantis working relentlessly to eliminate any education that actually reckons with the history of American slavery, the genocide of Indigenous peoples and dispossession of their lands, sexism and patriarchy, and gender and gender identity. Reflecting again on the 鈥�80s, he says the attacks on ethnic studies, culture, and race didn鈥檛 only come from the Right. 鈥淚n fact,鈥� he says, they also came from 鈥渓iberals, from the Left,鈥� and from those saying 鈥渨e鈥檙e not paying enough attention to class [struggles].鈥�

Kelley cites 鈥渃lassic liberal fatigue鈥� against ongoing demands for racial justice, which he encapsulates in responses such as, 鈥淲e already gave you some money, we already gave you this legislation, what else do you want to ask for? Why are you criticizing us?鈥�

A case in point about how liberal figures are joining the right-wing war on CRT is a new venture called the , Texas, created by a group of public figures led by former New York Times writer Bari Weiss. Weiss, in an , cited unpopular ideas, such as 鈥淚dentity politics is a toxic ideology that is tearing American society apart.鈥� She expressed dismay that such an opinion鈥攇enerally considered a racist one鈥攊s shunned by many academics.

To counter what Weiss considers censorship, UATX鈥檚 founders say they are devoted to 鈥渢he unfettered pursuit of truth鈥� and are promoting a curriculum that will include the 鈥溾�� centering on 鈥渢he most provocative questions that often lead to censorship or self-censorship in many universities.鈥�

As if to underscore Kelley鈥檚 warning about liberals joining the right-wing culture war, the nascent university鈥檚 includes figures like Lawrence Summers, former U.S. treasury secretary and former President Barack Obama鈥檚 economic adviser, who is a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the left-leaning .

A Counter to the Moneyed Interests Backing CRT Attacks

Kelley sees a difference between earlier battles over political correctness and those centered on CRT today. 鈥淭he Right has far more political weapons. They are actually engaged in a kind of McCarthyite attack on school teachers, the academy, on students, on families, and passing legislation on what鈥檚 called critical race theory,鈥� he says.

Right-wing narratives have cast the backlash against CRT as a led by parents concerned about bias in their children鈥檚 education. But secretive and powerful moneyed interests are at work behind the scenes. The watchdog group recently exposed how right-wing organizations, like the Concord Fund, are part of 鈥渁 network of established dark money groups funded by secret donors 鈥� stoking the purportedly 鈥榦rganic鈥� anti-CRT sentiment.鈥�

Additionally, CNBC reporter Brian Schwartz how 鈥渂usiness executives and wealthy Republican donors helped fund attacks鈥� on CRT and that it is expected to be a centerpiece of the GOP鈥檚 campaign ahead of the 2022 midterm elections.

In contrast to the politically formidable and well-funded forces arrayed in opposition to CRT, the each year gives out unrestricted funds to prominent thinkers, like Kelley, to counter 鈥渢he limited financial resources and research constraints frequently faced by scholars whose work supports social movements.鈥�

The Foundation chose six scholars whom it as doing 鈥渓eading research in critical fields.鈥� Those include abolition and Black, Latino, feminist, queer, radical, and anti-colonialist studies, which are precisely the fields that are anathema to anti-CRT forces.

Kelley, who was named one of the foundation鈥檚 2021 Freedom Scholars, agrees that such funding can help level the playing field for academics working to expand educational curricula that challenge White supremacist and patriarchal histories.

Going beyond defensive countermeasures against the right-wing attacks on CRT, such awards can help fund the study of histories of social justice movements that are thriving. 鈥淲e鈥檙e beginning to break through the narrative of civil rights begets Black Power, [which] begets radical feminism,鈥� says Kelley, citing grassroots change-making groups that have been active over the past 50 years through today and that have not gotten enough attention, such as the , the , the , , and . 鈥淛ust in the last two decades, we鈥檙e seeing so many amazing movements whose history is being written as we speak,鈥� says Kelley.

He is heartened by what he calls 鈥渘ew scholarship鈥� that is 鈥渢hinking transnationally, thinking globally, and moving away from a focus on mostly [White] male leadership and thinkers,鈥� giving way instead to the 鈥減olitical and intellectual work of those who have a different vision of the future.鈥�